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4.6  Onset of new trade in the Persian Gulf

·       Anthony Jenkinson

Following on the exploits of Sir Hugh Willoughby and Richard Chancellor who had in the reign of Edward VI set sail on 10 May 1553 to explore trade with Cathay through Russia, Anthony Jenkinson sailed for Russia on 3 May 1557. We know little of Jenkinson except that from 1546 to 1553 he travelled around the Mediterranean and obtained a grant of free trade from the Turkish Sultan, Suleiman the Magnificent, throughout the Turkish dominions. Leaving Moscow with two other Englishmen, Richard and Robert Johnson, they reached Bokhara, to the east of the Caspian Sea, but after remaining there for two months decided that an overland route to Peking would not provide a profitable situation and returned to London by way of Moscow. With letters from Queen Elizabeth I, Jenkinson once again in 1561 set out with the intention this time of going overland through Russia to the Persian Gulf, a voyage that an Italian, Paulo Centurione had proposed some thirty-five years before. Accompanied by Edward Clarke, he arrived at Kazvin at the beginning of November 1562 and on the 20 of the month Jenkinson had an audience with the reigning monarch of Persia, Shah Tahmasp.Unfortunately for Jenkinson, the Shah had just concluded an agreement with an ambassador from the Turkish Sultan to end the war between the two countries. Merchants interested in the existing trade between Persia and Turkey and therefore hostile to any diversion of trade through Russia persuaded the ambassador to inform the Shah that any favour shown to Jenkinson would endanger the new agreement. Jenkinson was asked by intermediaries of the Shah which way he intended to return to his country, either by the way he came or by way of Ormus and "so with the Portingals ships". Aware that the Shah intended to wage war with the Portuguese, and that he might be considered a spy, Jenkinson replied that he dare not go by way of Ormus as the Portuguese and English were not friends. The Shah was advised by his courtiers to send Jenkinson to the Sultan as a present but was saved by the intervention of Abdullah Khan, governor of the Persian province of Shirvan, whom Jenkinson had met earlier. On his departure homeward Jenkinson received a grant from Abdullah Khan for the Russia Company to buy and sell freely in Shirvan. He arrived in London at the end of September 1564 having extended the earlier Russian grant from the Tsar in Moscow.^[1]

·       John Newbery

 Jenkinson had already planned another expedition to Persia while still in Moscow and there were others also attempting to trade with Persia through Russia. Then there was Newbery who sailed in an English ship from London on the 19 September 1580 direct to Tripoli. The previous year Newbery had undertaken a preliminary journey to Jerusalem. Following the route used by Venetian traders, from Tripoli he travelled to Aleppo then from Bir down the Euphrates to Falluja before crossing to Baghdad. After a brief stay he embarked on the Tigris to Basra, then sailed to Nakhilu before going overland to a point opposite Laft on the island of Kishm. From there it was a short distance to Hormuz where he arrived on 22 June 1581. Leaving Hormuz on 1 August 1581, Newbery crossed to Gombroon then proceeded overland through Persia and Turkey, across the Black Sea, overland again through Poland then by sea from Danzig to Hull, arriving in London  on 31 August 1582.^[2] A year later Newbery was heading another expedition for the newly formed Turkey Company, this time extending the journey from Hormuz to India. John Newbery, J. Eldred, Ralph Fitch, William Leedes, a jeweller, and James Storey, a painter, left London the 12 February 1583 on board a ship called the Tiger for Tripoli in Syria. Travelling across to Aleppo and then to the Euphrates they eventually made their way to Bussorah (Basra) at the head of the Persian Gulf. Here Eldred stayed and the others continued their journey arriving at Hormuz on the 4 September 1583. Within a week they were denounced by Michael Stropene and arrested by the Portuguese governor at the instance of the Venetians who dreaded the thought of any rivals. On the 11 October they were shipped to Goa and imprisoned there until the 22 December when two Jesuits, one of whom was Thomas Stevens of New College Oxford, procured sureties for their release. Story had become a monk, and the remaining three, Fitch, Newbery and Leedes escaped from Goa on the 5 April 1584. Leedes remained in India employed by the Emperor Akbar leaving Fitch to continue his travels through India, Burma to the Malabar coast. Nothing further was heard of Newbery.  In November 1589 Fitch sailed from Cochin for Goa where he remained for three days before moving up the coast to Chaul. Leaving Chaul in India he arrived in Hormuz where he stayed fifty days before finding a passage to Bussorah and then retracing his steps back to London arriving there on the 29 April 1591. It is not known how much Fitch’s travels contributed to the setting up of the East India Company which won their first charter from Queen Elizabeth I on the 31 December 1601 but a number of references to Fitch are to be found in court records of the time.^[3]

It is possible according to Hakluyt that Humfrey Greensell (Greenfell?) may have been the first Englishman in the Gulf and was burnt in the Inquisition. The date would have been between 1571 and 1589.^[4]

·       Gasparo Balbi

The Venetian jeweller Gasparo Balbi travelled from Venice via Aleppo, Baghdad and Bussorah to India and Burma; visited the island of Hormuz in 1580 and described it as:

 

… una città non molto grande, ma popolosa, posta in un’ isola di trenta miglia di grandezza, ma è la piu sterile di quante mai io n’habbia viste; perciò che in esse non si trova altro che sale e le al tre cose al vito necessarie vi vengono portate dalla costa di Persia, ch’è distante da questa citta da 6 miglia; evise ne conducono in tanta quantità, que la cittè ne resta copiosamente fornita.^[5]

 

Balbi returned to Venice passing through Hormuz in 1586.^[6] His travels lasted from 1579 to 1588.^[7] Three years later in AH991/1583 whilst visiting Basra, J. Eldred wrote of ships from Hormuz bringing every month to Basra, spices, drugs and calico from India.^[8]

 

To this port of Balsara come monethly the diverse ships from Ormuz, laden with all sorts of Indian merchandise, as spices, drugs, indico and calico cloth.^[9]

 

English merchants and travellers were collecting various details of the area and forwarding these reports home to England. One such report by M. William Barret from Aleppo in Syria in 1584 gives a detailed account of the money, weights, measures and customs in Babylon, Balsara, Ormuz, Goa, Cochin and Malacca. The following deals with Hormuz:

 

ORMUZ: The weight, measure, and money currant in the kingdom of Ormuz:

 

Spices and drugs they weigh by the bar, and of every sort of goods the weight is different. To say, of some drugs 3 quintals, and 3 erubi or roues, and other some quintals 25 rotiloes, and yet both is called a barre, which barre, as well great as litle, is 20 frasoli, and every frasoll is 10 manas, and every mana 23 chiansi, and every chianso 10 meticals and a halfe. Note that every quintall maketh 4 erubi or roues, and every roue 32 rotiloes, & every rotilo 16 ounces, and every ounce 7 meticals, so that the quintall commeth to be 128 rotiloes, which is Aleppine 26 rotiloes and one third part, which is 132 li. english weight. And contrarywise ye quintal of Aleppo (which is 494 rotiloes 8 ounces english) maketh 477 rotiloes and a halfe of Ormuz, which is 3 quintals 2 roues, 29 rotiloes and a halfe.

Note that there are bars of divers weights, ut supra, of which they bargaine simply, according to the sort of commoditie, but if they bargaine of the great barre, the same is 7 quintals and 24 rotiloes, which is 958 li. 9 ounces of London weight, and of Aleppo 193 rotiloes and a halfe.

Touching the money of Ormuz, they bargaine in marchandize at so many leches by the barre, which lech is 100 Asaries, and maketh larines 100 & a halfe, which maketh pardaos 38, & larines one halfe, at larines 5 by the pardao. One asarie is sadines 10, and every sadine is 100. danarie.

The larine is worth 5 sadines and one fourth part, so that the sadine is worth of Aleppo mony 1 medine and 1 fourth part, & the larine as in Balsara worth of Aleppo mony 6 medines & a half.

The pardao is 5 larines of Balsara.

There is also stamped in Ormuz a seraphine of gold, which is litle and round, and is worth 24 sadines, which maketh 30 medines of Aleppo.

The Venetian mony is worth in Ormuz larines 88 per 100 meticals, & the roials are worth larines 86 lesse one sadine, which is every thousand meticals, 382 asures: but those that will not sel them, use to melt them, and make them so many larines in the king of Ormuz his mint, whereby they cleare 2 per 100, and somewhat more: and this they doe because neither Venetian money nor roials run as currant in Ormuz, per advise.

The measure of Ormuz is of a sorts, the one called codo which increaseth upon the measure of Aleppo 3 per 100, for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable wares from Aleppo to Onmuz, it is found in Ormuz to be 103 codes. Also these measures of Ormuz increase upon those of Balsara and Babylon 25 and two third parts per 100: for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable wares from Balsara or Babylon, there is found in Ormuz 125 codes and two third parts.

The other measure is called a vare, which was sent from the king of Portugall to the India, by which they sell things of small value, which measure is of 5 palmes or spans, and is one code and two third parts, so that buying 100 codes of any measurable wares, and returning to measure it by the sayd vare, there are found but 6o vares, contrariwise 100 vares make 166 codes and two third parts.

Note that al such ships as lade horses in Ormuz for Goa or any other place of India, lading 10 horses or upwards, in what places soever the said horses be taken a shore in the India, the marchandize which is to be dis- charged out of that ship wherein the said horses come, are bound to pay no custome at all, but if they lade one horse lesse then ten, then the goods are bound to pay the whole custome. And this law was made by Don Emanuel king of Portugall, but it is to be diligently foreseene, whither all those horses laden be bouncd to pay the king his custome: for many times by the king of Portugall his commandement, there is favour shewed to the king of Cochin his brother in armes, so that his horses that come in the same ship, are not to answere custome. As for example: If there were 4 horses laden in one ship, all which were to pay custome to the kin and one other of the king of Cochins which were not to pay any custome, the same causeth all the marchandize of that ship to be subject to pay custome, per advise. But if they lade ten horses upon purpose to pay the king his custome in Goa, and in the voyage any of them should die in that case, if they bring the taile of the dead horse to the custome in Goa, then the marchandize is free from all custome, because they were laden in Ormuz to pay custome in Goa. Moreover, if the horses should die before the midst of the voyage, they pay no custome at all, and if they die in the mids of the voyage, then they pay halfe custome, but if any horse die after the mid voyage, they pay custome no lesse then if they arrive safe. Notwithstanding, the merchandize (whether the said horses die before or in the mid voyage or after the mid voiage) are free from all custome.

The custome of Ormuz is eleven in the 100, to say, 10 for the king, and 1 for the arming of the foists: but for small wares as glasses, and looking glasses of all sorts, and such like, made for apparell, pay no custome. But cloth of Wooll, Karsies, Mockaires, Chamlets, and all sortes of Silke, Saffron, and such like, pay custome, being esteemed reasonably.

There is also another customs, which they call caida, which is, that one bringing his goods into Ormuz, with purpose to send ye same further into India, the same are bound to pay 3 by the 100, but none other are bound to pay this custome, except the Armenians, Moores, and Jewes: for the Portugals and Venetians pay nothing thereof.

Note yt in Ormuz they abate tare of all sorts of com- modities, by an order observed of customs.

The fraight from Ormuz to Chaul, Goa, and Cochin, is as foloweth: Mokaires larines 6 per table of 60 pikes. Aquariosa 8 larines by ordinarie chist, raisins 10 by chist, which is a quintall of roues 128. Ruvia of Chalangi larines 10 per quintall, glasses larines 8 per chist, of 4 foote and a halfe, glasses in great chists 14 & 15 larines by chist. Small wares larines 12 by chist of five foot. Tamari for Maschat sadines 2 and a half, and 3 by the fardle. Tamarie for Diu and Chaul 4 sadines, and 4 and a halfe by bale. Other drugs and things which come from Persia pay according to the greatnesse of the bales.

The fraight mentioned, they pay as appeareth, when they ship the sayd goods in ships where horses goe: otherwise not having horses, they pay somewhat lesse, because of the custom which they are to pay.

The use of the India ships is, that the patrones thereof are not at any charge neither with any passenger, nor yet with any mariner in the ship, but that every one at the beginning of the voyage doe furnish to maintaine his owne table (if he will eate) and for drinke they have a great jarre of water, which is garded with great custodie.^[10]

 

·       Jan Huygen van Linschoten

Jan Huygen van Linschoten, as bookkeeper to the archbishop Vincentius of Goa spent six years (1583–89) in India, gives a description of the coast of Arabia and the island and fortress of Ormus in his book.^[11] It is said that his writings were influential in stimulating early Dutch and English trade expeditions to India and the East Indies.

 

Ormus lyeth upon the Iland Geru, in times past called Ogyris, and it is an Island and a kingdom which the Portingales have brought under their subjection, whereas yet their king hath his residence, that is to saye, without the towne where the Portingales inhabite. These people observe Mahomets law, and are white like the Persians. And there they have a common custeme, that he which is king doth presently cause all his brethren and his kinsmen of the Male kinde to have their eyes put forth, which done they are richly kept and maintained during their lives, for that there is a law in Ormus, that no blinde man may bee their King nor Governor over them. Therefore the King causeth them all to have their eyes put out, so to be more secure in their governmentes, as also to avoide all strife and contention, that might arise, and to hold and maintaine their countrey in peace.

The Iland is about three miles great, very full of cliffes and rockes, and altogether unfruitfull. It hath neyther greene leafe nor hearbe in it, nor any sweete water, but only rockes of salt stones, whereof the walles of their houses are made: it hath nothing of it selfe, but only what it fetcheth from the firme lande on both sides, as well out of Persia as from Arabia, and from the Towne of Bassora, but because of the situation, and pleasantries of the Iland there is all things therein to bee had in great abundance, and great traffique for that in it is the staple for all India, Persia, Arabia and Turkie, and of all the places and Countries about the same, & commonly it is full of Persians, Armenians, Turkes and all nations, as also Venetians, which lie there to buy Spices and precious stones, that in great abundance are brought thether out of all parts of India, and from thence are sent overland to Venice, and also carried throughout all Turkie, Armenia, Arabia, Persia and every way. There are likewise brought thether all manner of merchandises from those Countries, that is from Persia: out of the Countrie named Coracone and Dias, and other places, great store of rich Tapestrie & Coverlets, which are called Alcatissas: out of Turkie all manner of Chamlets: out of Arabia divers sortes of Drugges for Poticaries, as Sanguis draconis, Manna, Mirre, Frankinsence & such like, divers goodly horses, that are excellent for breeding, all manner of excellent Orientall Pearles out of Mascatte a Haven lying betweene the Cape of Roselgate and Moncadon, oppon the coast of Arabia, divers sorts of Dates and Marmelades, which from Ormus is carried into India, and all places are served therewith: likewise the money called Larynen, (which hath as it were two legges, stretching out like a piece of silver wide that is beaten flat, painted about with certain small Characters, which is coined in Persia at a place called Lary, being fine Silver) is brought thether in great quantities, whereby there is as great dealing with them, as with other marchandises, because of the greate gaine that is gotten by them in India they goe very high.

Now to know the cause of so great traffique, and concourse of people in this Iland of Ormus, you must understand that every yeare twice commeth a great companie of people over land which are called Cassiles or Carvanes, which come from Aleppo, out of the Countrie of Surie three daies jornie from Tripoli which lyeth uppon the coast of the Mediterranean Sea, this companie of people, or Cassila observe this order, that is, every yeare twice in the months of Aprill and September. There is a Captaine and certain hundreths of Jannisaries, which convaye the said Cassila until they come to the Towne of Bassora, from whence they travaile by water unto Ormus.

 

Linschoten’s narrative continues with a description of the caravan’s routine and habits and those of the accompanying party of victuallers that support the merchants of all nations except Spaniards, Portuguese and the King of Spain’s subjects who are not welcome but often travel in desguise as French men, English men or Venetians, these nations having factors resident at Aleppo and Tripoli. He continues with a description of the pigeon post that is used by the Turks for communication between outlying parts of the Turkish empire and Constantinople before returning to the subject of Ormus.

 

But let us now returne unto our matter of the Ile of Ormus, which lyeth under 27 degrees, and in Sommer time is so unreasonable and intollerable hotte, that they are forced to lie and sleepe in wooden Cesterns made for the purpose full of water, and all naked men and women, lying cleane under water saving only their heads: al their houses are flat above, and in the toppes therof they make holes to let the ayre come in, like those of Cayro, and they use certaine instruments like Waggins with bellowes, so beare the people in, and to gather winde yo coole them withall, which they call Cattaventos.

In winter time it is as colde with them as it is in Portingale,  the water that they drinke is brought from the firme land, which they keep in great pots, (as the Tinaios in Spaine) and in Cesternes, whereof they have verie great ones within the fortresse, which water for a yeare, or a yeare and a halfe, against they shall neede, like those of Mossambique. They fetch water by the Iland of Barein, in the Sea, from under the salt water, with instruments foure or five fadome deepe, which is very good and excellent sweete water, as good as any fountaine water.

 

Linschoten remarks on a disease of worms within the body  thought to come from the water and the manner of removing them before commenting on the corrupt practice of the Portuguese officers.

 

The Captaines place of Ormus, next to Soffala, or Mossambique is holden and accounted to be one of the best and profitablest places of all India. As touching the Portingals government and benefite in a manner as profitable as that of  Mossambique, for that they have their ships which they sent to Goa, Chaul, Bengala, Mascatte and other places, & no man may buy, sel, ship or lade any ware, before the Captaine hath soulde, shipped, fraughted and dispatched his wares away, not that he hath any such authoritie from the king, for he wholy forbiddeth it, but they take such authoritie of themselves, because the King is farre from them, to commaund the contrarie, onely this is graunted him by the King, that no man may send any horses into India, but only the Captaine, or such as have authoritie from him, whereby he rayseth a great commoditie, for that horses in India are worth much money, those that are good, are solde in India for fower or five hundred pardanwen, and some for seven, eight yea 1000 pardanwen and more, each pardanwe, accounted as much as a Rookes Doller, ??? money: the voyage that men make from Goa to Ormus, is in the moneths of Januarie, Februarie, March, and in September and October. Now foloweth the coast of Ormus stretching towardes India.

 

Linschoten gives a brief mention of Iasque, Jask, but nothing of the Mekran coast in chapter 7:

 

From Ormus sayling alonge the coast East and by South,you finde the Cape called Iasque, in times past called Carpeila, which land was once named Carmania:This Cape lyeth under 25 degrees and a halfe, and is distant from Ormus 30 miles. Following the same coast you come unto the ryver Sinde, by Historiographers called Indus...

 

Pedro Teixeira, who translated the history of the Kings of Hormuz, visited the island in 1587 and wrote the following description:

 

This Isle of Jerun was of old volcanic, for which reason it remains so rugged as to amaze the explorer of its interior. It has a lofty range of hills running east and west from the sea to sea. From the foot of this to the northern promontory, whereon stands the fortified city, there is a less rugged plain. But beyond the main range there is nothing but lesser ranges, separate hills, and a rugged wilderness.^[12]

 

·       François Pyrard

François Pyrard travelled extensively in the East Indies, the Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil. He set sail from St Malo on the 18 May 1601 on board the ship Corbin accompanied by another ship the Croissant. A few days later they fell in with nine Dutch ships which may have been the fleet of Heemskerk who had left Texel on the 23 April. In his book he mentions Ormus but with the exception of Diu and Cambaye, Pyrard does not seem to have visited any of these parts.^[13] However he mentions a number of interesting aspects of life on the island of Ormus that are not found elsewhere. In describing the inhabitants of Ormus as almost as black as the Moors of Ethiopia and not like the Persians who were fairer, he mentions their arms:

 

Next, at the commencement of the coast of India, is Ormus, a very great kingdom, distant from Goa 500 leagues, near Persia, at the entrance and over against the straits of the Persian Sea. In that sea is a little island (under the altitude of 26 degrees or thereabouts to the north of the equinoctial) of only three leagues circuit, called Ormus, from the town, for the island used to be called Gerun. It is distant about three leagues from the mainland of Persia, and some ten from that of Arabia. The island and town are held and possessed by the Portuguese, who have built a fortress there, good and well garrisoned. This island after Goa is the richest, and has the largest revenues of any in the Indies possessed by the Portuguese, for it is a great mart of merchandise where all goods are landed, principally the wealth of Persia; and besides that, the merchandises of India are brought thither in great quantity for the furnishing of Persia, Syria, and all the Levant.

The merchandises that come thither are all valuable, for it is the staple and landing-place for all goods from Persia, Arabia, Armenia, Turkey, Europe, etc., which are brought thence overland by caravan; likewise all Indian goods are lauded there. From Ormus to Goa come, firstly, the fine pearls from the fishery at an island of the Gulf, called Baharen, toward the coast of Arabia beyond Ormus. They are the fairest, biggest, and cleanest of any found in the East Indies. The fishery produces a vast quantity; hence comes the name given to these of “Oriental pearls”. Secondly, there comes thence much of that silver money that is called Larins, the finest silver in the world: these are called larins of Ormus. Thither, too, are brought quantities of Persian silks, both in the piece and worked, and in other forms. Next, what we here call Turkey carpets, and the people of those parts Persian and Ormus carpets, the most exquisite and the best made in the world. Then there are horses of Arabia, Persia, and Ormus, the handsomest and most beautifully caparisoned possible; being all covered with gold, silver, silk, and pearls, in the Persian and Orcus mode, as also in the Portuguese: they fetch a high price at Goa. Then come all kinds of sugars, conserves, marmalades, raisins or dried grapes of Persia and, Ormus, and much big dates which are very excellent. Next, many watered camlets of Persia and Ormus, of all colours, made of the wool of large sheep that have not curled fleeces like ours. Of it they make also good store of cloaks and capes, called by the Indians Mansaus, and by the Portuguese "Ormus cambalis": they are made of the same wool, in bands of diferent colours, each four inches wide. Everyone takes these to sea for a protection from the rain. The tissue is the same as of cloth. They make also other cloaks, capes, and mantles of felt, like our hats, which resist the rain well.

As for the drugs, aromatic, medicinal, and others, it were difficult to specify all that come from Ormus, whither so many are brought from elsewhere, nor to tell all the merchandises brought from the Indies and Europe. In short, it is the common proverb in those lands, that if the world were an egg, Ormus would be the yolk; for it is the best place in the world, whether for its fertility (that is, of the rest of the Kingdom, for the island itself is desert and barren of all produce) or for the convenience of its situation for tbe traffic of all parts. The merchandise and goods of all the world must pass there and pay tribute to the Portuguese, who search all the ships to see if any merchandise is being carried that is contraband and prohibited by their king. But that is the place where the governors fill their pockets, inasmuch as they will for money let everything pass. These governors aspire to no other dignity than that of viceroy, and they go there solely to that end. For they enrich themselves in marvellous' wise in the three years of their officefrom the heavy dues and tolls they exact upon all things: to do which with impunity, they make great presents to the viceroy. He that was governor there while I was at Goa was called Don Pedro de Coustigno,a Portuguese lord of a very great house. He had a brother at Goa, also a great lord, that had made a very wealthy marriage, and was called Don Diego de Coustigno. He had bought the government of Cochin for his life — for that is the only office in all the Indies that is for life, the captain there having no other profit but his pay and his honour, because there is a Viador de Fasienda, as at Goa, who is general overseer of all that belongs to the king, and is changed every three years, so that the captain touches nothing.

But to return to this governor of Ormus: it was said at the time that he was returning from his three years worth more than 600,000 crowns. He returned to Portugal with our fleet;. At Goa, with his benefactions, liberality, and alms, he made: a show like the viceroy, but not in dignity and honour: for the viceroy Don André Furtado de Mendosa and he were on any but good terms. Don André, holding the office of viceroy, had asked him to lend 50,000 perdos for the king's service, promising to pay him back in Portugal or in the Indies, whichever he wished; the other refused, and when the viceroy replied that it was to provide pay for a naval armament against the Malabars, this governor said that he was a man to equip an army and lead it himself for the king's service, and not to give his money to another. This was the cause that on their return these two embarked not in the same ship: the viceroy went first, intending to arrive before the other in Portugal, to get the better of him and thwart his designs; but he died on the way, as I shall tell hereafter. When these governors return they carry no large cargoes of merchandise, but only pearls, precious stones, ambergris, musk, gold, silver, and other rare and precious things. When I left Goa, the son of the viceroy Don Loyso Lorencio d'Establo, who was aged only twelve or thirteen years, was already appointed to the government of Ormus, and was entering upon it.

This island is exceeding sterile, having no mesh water: it is all the same as the island of Mayo, on the Cape Verd coast — for it is all rock-salt, which they use as salt. There is also saltpetre there.

The Kings of Ormus pay tribute to the King of Persia, and are in peace and friendship with the Portuguese. They are Mahometans, like the Persians, and they cause the eyes of their successors to be put out, like the Kings of Dealcan.

The people of Ormus are almost as black as the Moors of Ethiopia, and nowise resemble the Persians, who are fairer.

When some men of authority die at Ormus, their wives are obliged to mourn for them once a day, by the space of four consecutive weeks; there are also women paid to bewail the dead.

The inhabitants wear long shirts, girding them at the waist with a broad band of taffetas, as do many of the Indians and all the Arabs. On their heads they wear white turbans, diversified with many colours. Many of them wear rings in their noses. They speak Persian, and are much addicted to fornication, and above all to the unnatural sin. They love music and instruments of music.

Their arms are gilded Turkish bows, the strings whereof are of fine silk; they are of a very strong and well-set wood or of buffalo horn, and their arrows are neatly made of gilt canes. They are exceeding adroit in the use of the bow. They carry also iron clubs, well made and damascened.

It is now about ten or twelve years since the brother of the King of Ormus came to the Portuguese at Goa, in a ship laden with great wealth, to become a Christian, as he said: he had also some quarrel with his brother. He was received with all the honours possible, and had one of the finest houses in the town allotted to his use.

After being some time at Goa, he asked the Portuguese to aid him to recover his share of the inheritance, giving a promise to transfer to them all he could recover, if they would give him a pension. The Portuguese sent a powerful army to the kingdom of Ormus, and made terms with the king that he should gave up certain lands to his brother, which was done.

But it happened that this prince at Goa, who every day promised to become a Christian, and never did, committed sodomy with a young scholar, a Portuguese Metice; for which crime he was condemned to be burned by the office of the Inquisition at Goa. This sentence was carried out some four or five years since, althongh the prince before his execution was converted, and baptised by the Jesuits; and notwithstanding that he offered 500,000 crowns to be spared, and, further, to build some churches in expiation of his sin. But all these promises were of little avail to move the Portugese, who had in their possession already all he promised them. Besides, he had been already rebuked and reprimanded many times for this heinous vice, to which he had promised never to return: albeit he again fell thereinto, and so met with well-deserved punishment. As for the poor young Portuguese, he was put in a barrel and cast into the sea, for fear of scandal.^[14]

 

In the second part he refers to Turun Shah, a younger brother of the ruling King of Ormuz, who resided for some time at Goa where he petitioned the King of Spain to support him against his brother.