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4.11  The Portuguese try to re-establish in the area

The Persians hearing of his return to Muscat abandoned their fort at Soar (Sohar) as well as others near to Muscat and:

 

… withdrew with all the forces that they could collect to the strongholds of Corofacao, Dobba, Lima, Cassapeo, Ranuz[1] and Iulufar - which were of greater strength, since they had formerly belonged to us, and yielded good revenues owing to their situations as trading-posts.[2]

 

Ruy Freyre having fitted out 20 galliots and 10 Lascarin tarranquins, boarded 1,000 Portuguese soldiers and sailed for Sohar. Standing offshore he sent the Captain of the Persian force there a demand to surrender suggesting that the terms would be favourable. The Captain did surrender and after swearing allegiance to the King of Portugal was left by Ruy Freyre in charge of the fort. Ruy Freyre then proceeded northwards up the coast with the intention of taking Dobba (Dibba or Bayah) which had a garrison of 800 Persians. While he was in Corofacao, Ruy Freyre heard that people from the interior, emboldened by the presence of the Portuguese, were marching on Dobba. Having heard the news that they had taken the town, Ruy Freyre proceeded and landed there.[3]

 

After this was done, the General made preparations to attack and raze Dobba (Dibah), which was garrisoned by a force of 800 Persians; whilst he was yet 5 leagues from that fortress and ready to set sail, he received information that many people were marching on Dobba from the interior, and accordingly he delayed for a while on receipt of this news in order to ascertain what was happening; he was not left long in doubt, for it was soon found out that the Arabs of that district having heard that the General was in Corofacao, and being compelled by the Tyrannical conduct of the Persians to take up arms against him, had turned on them instead, and put all the Persians to the sword.

The General greatly rejoiced at this news, and gave splendid rewards to the first messenger who brought it; he left at once for Dobba, and on arriving within view thereof saluted it with all his guns, whilst great signs and demonstrations of joy were made to him from the fortress; he thereupon disembarked and proceeded to the fort, whilst the Arabs going before him in the streets through which he passed, spread their burnouses and hoods which they use as cloaks, for him to tread on as they went.

This welcome so assured him of their loyalty that he left them a Portuguese Captain with 50 soldiers for their protection, in order to put a stop to the dissensions amongst the natives as to who it was to be, since they were all equally deserving; and leaving a Factor in the Customs-House, he charged the Sheikh, or local Governor, and his assistants with the task of collecting the taxes due to the King of Ormuz.

Having thus left the whole Coast in peace and obedience to the new King of Ormuz, whom he had acknowledged as such with all the solemnities customary amongst them, the General withdrew to Muscat, as he saw that the winter had begun - during which season it is impossible to navigate along the Coast of Arabia Petrea.[4]

 

Ruy Freyre arrived back in Muscat in October 1623 and spent the winter there. The following spring preparations were made to return along the coast and to continue the war against the Persians who still retained forts along the Musandam coast. The following commentary is given in full as it describes the events at Limah, Kumzar and Khasab.

 

As soon as the summer began, the General ordered the Armada to be got ready, and set sail in the beginning of April with a force of 20 galliots, and 20 terranquins carrying 400 Lascarins. He touched at the neighbouring fortresses and erected Customs-houses in Borca, Soadi, Soar, Alua, Amego and Ceyfim, leaving therein Factors and other necessary officials, and after visiting Corofacao and Dobba he arrived at Lima.

This fortress was built on the sumit of a hill out of range of our artillery, and they did not wish to submit since there was a garrison of 400 Persian soldiers within; on the contrary, they fired some volleys of musketry into our Armada which caused us the loss of 8 Portuguese killed, besides many others wounded.

It seemed to the General that this war was becoming unduly prolonged, so he ordered 300 well-armed Portuguese under their ordinary Captains, together with a force of 400 Lascarians under the command of Manoel Cabaco, to be disembarked in three separate places, with orders to put to the sword all whom they should find within the fortress.

These men speedily effected their several landings, and stepped ashore amidst a storm of shot that was fired from the fortress with the intention of hindering the disembarkation. Having landed, they climbed up the hillside to the fortress, which they carried by assault in the first rush, cleaving a way with their hand-grenades. They put to the sword all those they found therein, without mercy to age or sex, and then they burnt the City and razed the fortress, not leaving anything with life in that site nor one stone upon another. All this was done with the loss of only 6 Portuguese and 12 Lascarians slain, and a few more wounded. After this bellicose fury was finished, the General sailed along the coast, and doubling Cape Mossandam he arrived at Camufa, where he was well received by the inhabitants of the City, since all its townsmen had formerly served as sailors in our Armadas of rowing-vessels at Ormuz, and they were a people who had never been unfaithful to us.

Here the galliots were provided with refreshments, and they sailed thence to Cacapo (Khasab) which place they found uninhabited, the fortress having been evacuated and the people fled to the interior. The General found that it would be very useful to fortify that stronghold, since it was situated within a beautiful bay, sheltered from all the winds, at a distance of 12 leagues from Ormuz, and that from this base they could greatly harass not only Ormuz alone, but all Persia.

He sent word to the hills whither the natives had fled, promising them pardon of their past rebellion, and swearing on his word of honour that they could return to their homes in safety. The natives, trusting upon the word and honesty of the Portuguese in general and of Ruy Freyre in particular, came down from the hills and returned to their town; the General at once ordered all our men to disembark, and began the work of strengthening the fortress with great zeal, (he being the foremost in beginning and continuing the task), so that it was finished within a few days; mainly because it was made of mud bricks since there is no lime along that coast, nor knowledge of the use of it. He left therein a garrison of 20 Portuguese soldiers with their Captain, together with 100 Lascarins and a Customs-house with the necessary officials.

After having done all, and when the Armada was already on the verge of sailing to attack Ranuz, two terranquins gaily decorated with flags sailed into the Bay, saluting with volleys of musketry and sounding diverse instruments of war. From the devices on the standards, they were recognised as belonging to the Sheikhs or Kings of Ranuz; these came alongside the flagship, and when they came on board, our men recognised them as the same Sheiks, or chiefs, as those who had been captured by Phelippe de Affonseca during the time when they had been in Queixome, and who remained as prisoners in Ormuz waiting for their ransom; when the Khan of Shiras took that City and fortress he had made them swear allegiance to the King of Persia, giving them their liberty, and sending them laden with magnificent gifts back to their lands.

However when they learnt of the General’s coming and of his delay at Cacapo[5], they came to seek him, in order to save themselves from the punishment which he might otherwise have inflicted on them if they had not done so. They were graciously received upon a carpet under the awning of his gullet, after being saluted by the guns of the whole squadron. During his dinner with them, he presented them with costly turbans, acknowledging in courteous terms their chivalrous conduct, and the loyalty that they had shown to the Crown of Portugal and the King of Ormuz; he added that henceforth they could rely upon the help of all the Portuguese Armadas for which they might ask, and in the name of the King of Ormuz he relieved them from all the taxes that they had hitherto been accustomed to pay, leaving only half of the four that they used to pay yearly in acknowledgement of being vassals and tributaries.

These three fortresses having been secured and strengthened he left for Iulufar, as he was informed that this city was not very firm in its allegiance to the King of Ormuz, and that there were factions within it, some for the King of Ormuz and others for the new King; however so soon as Ruy Freyre arrived there, everything calmed down, and Colimdim (nephew of the King of Ormuz) who was the Captain there, asked him to lave 50 Portuguese in the fort to quiet the people of the City; this request was granted by the General who also constructed a Customs-House therein.

And thus leaving the affairs of Arabia in peace and quiet, he returned to Muscat, with the intention of waging a ruthless war on Persia in the following year, and laying waste all the coasts thereof with fire and sword.[6]

 

The East India Company received a letter from Isphahan by way of the Dutch in January 1624 which informed them that the Portuguese had under the cover of night rowed up to the castle at Hormuz and set fire to the Reformation, an English ship, and two Moors ships. The Moors ships were lost but the fire in the Reformation was put out with the assistance of the Dutch. As all the crew, some 40 men, of the Reformation were sick, the Dutch ship, the Huesduna, left 16 of her own crew to enable the Reformation to sail to Surat.[7] Further correspondence to the East India Company in 1624 states that the Khan of Shiraz on orders from the Shah built a castle near to the old Portuguese fort in Gombroon using the ruins of the old city on the island of Hormuz and leaving only the castle itself untouched, “so as it is a misery to think what Ormuz hath been and what it now is”. Although the castle was garrisoned with about 200 soldiers, the correspondent was fearful that once the Persians had completed their fortifications at Gombroon (Bandar Abbas) and Kishm and as they, the Persians did not have sufficient shipping to defend themselves in the area, that they would demolish the fort as well.[8]

Returning to Muscat Ruy Freyre ordered Luis Martins Chichorro with 4 galliots and 10 terranquins to subdue Quriyat and Ras al Hadd and about the same time received an envoy from the Turkish Pasha at Basrah requesting assistance against the Persians. He therefore sent Dom Gonçalo da Silveyra with 200 veteran Portuguese soldiers on six galliots with a convoy of merchant vessels from Muscat to Bassorah in January 1624.[9]

Having informed the Viceroy in India, Ruy Freyre received 10 galliots and 300 men[10] together with supplies and ammunition with a letter that the Viceroy was fitting out a further 8 galleons to be despatched to Ormuz under the command of Nuno Alvares Botelho as Captain-Major.[11]

Ruy Freyre ordered a further 10 galliots and 20 terranquins to be constructed and after embarking 400 Lascarins, the armada set sail from Muscat in November 1624 along the coast to Ras Musandam, then steered north towards Ormuz and anchored off the point of Turumbaque. Under the command of Chicorro, the terranquins set sail at night for Bramim which was destroyed the following morning. Returning to the main fleet, Chicorro was despatched this time with 10 galliots to station themselves off the point of Cauru while 6 terranquins that went with them would coast up and down that side of the island. Ruy Freyre with the rest of the fleet proceeded to the promontory of Our Lady of Hope, with the exception of 4 terranquins that were left of the Turumbaque. In this manner the island of Hormuz was laid siege to for some three months. Ruy Freyre[12] believing that the Persians were becoming complacent sent three separate groups to attack Congo, Broco and Bombarreca. The following day he spotted an English ship which he engaged and burnt. It was the Lion that had taken Ruy Freyre after his capture at Kishm to Surat. However he realised that although he had laid siege to Ormuz for some four months he was without sufficient munitions and soldiers to recapture it, so returned to Muscat at the end of 1625.[13]

Pietro Della Valle writing from Goa in November 1624 makes a last reference to Ruy Freire’s efforts to regain Hormuz before departing for Muscat en route home via Aleppo and Cyprus arriving in Rome on 28 March 1626:

 

On 4 November the Collection Armada departed from Goa on its first voyage of the year to fetch provisions; it was to go to Cochin, and therefore the newly consecrated Archbishop of Serra embarked on it to go to his residence, as did Fr Andrea Palmeiro, visitor of the Jesuits and my friend, to go to visit his province there, and the Italian father, Laerzio Alberti; along with many other Jesuit fathers who had come this year from Europe to go and live there. The same day an almadia, or small boat of Ciaul, reached Goa with news that a ketch from Muscat and also a ship from Basra had arrived there, both carrying news that Ormuz was in much distress through the siege, so that many Muslim soldiers had escaped from the town and gone to Ruy Freire. But after the arrival of Ruy Freire the siege proceeded happily for us, with good order, and much hope yet, especially if all the succour for which Ruy Freire has asked so insistently arrives from Goa. At Basra, they said, all was quiet with no stirrings of war.[14]

 

In the English account of events of the sinking of the Lion, English and Dutch ships had been challenged by 4 Portuguese galleons in the Swally Roads and had refused to accept the challenge when the English fleet from England arrived. In October 1625, the Lion was boarded three times and the master, Richard Swanly killed but it managed to extricate itself and flee to Gombroon where it unloaded its cargo. However on 8 November 1625, spotted by Rufreo[15] and his fleet of frigates, battle was engaged and the Lion unable to defend herself and having blown up the Portuguese on board was set fire to.[16] The Portuguese hanged all but one[17] who was allowed to return and give the news of the engagement.[18]

The Commentaries of Ruy Freyre are somewhat confused over the chronology of events at this time and place the engagement with the Lion before the battle with Weddell and Becker. However they relate that an envoy from the Persians met with Ruy Freyre off Ras Musandam with the suggestion that war was suspended for one year and in return the Persians would offer the Portuguese a port on the Persian mainland and a customs house with the revenue equally split between the Persians and the Portuguese. The Portuguese would also guarantee safe passage to Persian ships. Ruy Freyre chose Congo and agreed stating that he would wait off the island of Careca (Larak) for an answer. It was at this time that came upon the following sea battle and sent 4 galliots with 120 men to assist the Sao Sebastio captained by Antonio Telles de Menzes.[19]

Captain John Weddell had heard of a large Portuguese fleet being prepared for Hormuz and rendezvoused with the Dutch, with whom he had split up earlier to go to Surat, at Gombroon on 17 December 1624. It would appear that the English and Dutch interests at that moment in time coincided to fight off the Portuguese rather than the treaty of 1619. The Portuguese were sighted on 31 January 1625 and battle commenced the next day. The English ships were the Royal James, Jonas, Star and Eagle and the Dutch were South Holland, Bantam, Maud of Dort and Wesope. The Portuguese had 8 galleons and 16 frigates. The English lost about twenty-nine men and the Dutch a similar figure but including Albert Becker, captain of the South Holland. The Portuguese losses were far greater as the following table from English sources indicates:[20]

 

Ship

Guns

Men

Killed

Commander

1. S. Francisco, admiral

48

350

38

Don Aliud Batellia

2. S. Francisco, vice-admiral

32

250

31

Francisco Burge

3. S. Sebastian, rear-admiral

40

400

20

Antonio Tela

4. S. Salvador

24

250

41

Francsico de Suar

5. S. Jago

22

200

83

Simon de Kintall

6. Trinidad

22

250

243

Alva Botelia

7. S. Antonio

22

200

22

Antonio Burallia

8. Miserere Cordium

22

200

3

Samuel Rodriguez Chava

 

Notes:

1. Had the admiral and two other officers killed.

2. and 4. Lost their captains.

5 and 7. Were unseaworthy and were lost soon after.

6. Was dismasted and towed off by the rear admiral.

Besides all which losses, every vessel is returned as having been more

or less dismasted.

 

Portuguese sources for details of the 8 galeons gives a slightly different picture:[21]

 

Capitaina (flagship)

Nuno Alvarez Botelho

Almiranta (admiral or no. 2)

Admiral Francisco Borges de Castel-Branco

Sao Sebastio

Captain Antonio Telles de Menges

Trinidade

Captain Francisco de Souza de Castro

Sao Salvador

Captain Francisco de Thoar da Cunha

Santiago

Captain Sunão de Quintal de Carvalho

Misericordia

Captain Francisco de Costa de Lemos

Sancto Antonio

Captain Antonio Godinho Coelho

 

Although there were further battles, such as the one involving the Lion above, this was to be the last major sea battle involving the Portuguese in the area.[22] Ruy Freyre continued with his siege of Hormuz. However with the likelihood of the Persians abandoning the island of Hormuz altogether, English correspondence at the time appeared in favour of retaining the facilities there despite the move to Bandar Abbas. English court minutes of 28 February 1627 record; “that the factors in Persia should not desist from the design of acquiring Ormuz Castle, as well as to affront the Portugal as to prevent the Dutch”.[23]

After the battle with Weddell and Becker, Ruy Freyre continued to wait off Larak island for an answer from the Persians which was soon forthcoming. The Persians had agreed and war was suspended for one year. Ruy Freyre returned to Muscat and informed the Viceroy in Goa.[24] Ruy Freyre returned to Congo and met with the Persian Governor of Comorão to confirm the agreement.[25] He left Muscat in January 1631 for Goa but returned shortly afterwards and died in Muscat in September 1633.[26]

The kings of Portugal ordered the strengthening of the fortress of ‘Cassapo’ (Khasab) in 1649.[27] “The forces of Oman continued to reduce the Portuguese strongholds in this area until the last of them, Muscat, was lost in 1650.”[28]

A.W. Stiffe, a Lieutenant in Her Majestys Indian Navy, visited the island of Hormuz in March 1873 and wrote this detailed description for the Geographical Magazine:

 

The plain on the north side terminates in a low sandy point, on which stands the old Portuguese fort, and near it is the modern village, consisting chiefly of mat huts, and containing possibly 200 men, who have a few boats, and export slat fish, and a red earth, called by them ‘gairu’, which is used for staining and seasoning wood, and is sent to Maskat, and thence to Calcutta. A few soldiers or armed men hold the old fort as a sort of military post for the Governor of Bandar ‘Abbasi. The place is rarely visited by a European vessel.

The fort is a quadrilateral bastioned fort, about 750 feet long by 620 feet broad. It has casemates under the ramparts, and the two southern or landward bastions are built with orillons. The entrance gate is in one of these recesses, and leads successively into two small courtyards, before giving admission to the body of the place. In the enceinte is a fine large underground water cistern, with a groined roof, supported by rows of pillars. The south-west bastion and west face are much undermined by the sea, and partly ruinous. Many of the arches and vaults inside the fort have been blocked up with stone to prevent their falling. It was separated from the island by a moat, now filled up; the remains of a bridge across the moat are visible. Many rusty, old iron guns lie about the interior of the fortress. The mortar used was excellent, and much more durable than the stones. The only other remains of the Portuguese town are the foundations of buildings along the sea shore, and the ruins of a sort of outwork, on the landward face of the town, which has embrasures, and has been defended by a moat. The space occupied by the town is about half a mile by a quarter of a mile, as far as can be judged by the appearance of the ground, and from the appearance of the old map attached.

Of the Arab city, the most important ruin is a minaret, about 70 feet high. It is of brick, and has been coated with glazed tiles, in the manner which renders the mosques of Baghdad such striking objects. It has two spiral staircases inside, much broken at the foot, and the whole structure is in a tottering state; the lower courses of bricks, to a height of 6 or 8 feet, being much weathered away, thus undermining the building.

Of the rest of the city nothing remains except mounds strewn with broken pottery, and a vast number of water cisterns, mostly choked with earth, in many of which small crops of vegetables are now raised. At about half a mile to three quarters of a mile to southward of the minaret are a number of Arab tombs of some pretensions to architecture, some of which have been of two stories. They are all more or less ruinous.

In addition to the ruins of the Portuguese town already mentioned, there are the remains of a chapel, with a zigzag road up to it, on a peak of the nearest range of slat hills; also of a small chapel or hermitage on a little hillock on the north-east coast. The quaint little map or picture attached, which is copied from Astley’s collection, gives a kind of bird’s-eye view of the island and adjacent coast, with ships arriving and leaving, and conveys some notion of the extent of the town. The plain outside the town is much fore-shortened, for I believe, from the ruins visible, the town only extended as far as the space shaded on the plan. The two chapels referred to above are shown on it, and have names given to them. The town appears to have contained two churches, and not to have been regularly fortified on the land side. The position of the minaret, if the old sketch be correct, limits the extension of the town northward. The Portuguese are said to have destroyed the mosque belonging to the minaret, as being too near the castle. The plan is probably of a date between 1612 and 1620.

One other ruin of the Arab city remains to be mentioned, viz., the king’s palace or Túrun-bágh, on the south-east corner. This is described as the “fairest of all—there, upon a plain between the hills and the sea, you see a country seat of the old kings of Ormuz, adorned with groves of palm trees and two large cisterns for water.” The ruins of buildings and of water channels for irrigation are to be seen here, which is the only point on the hilly part of the island where stratified rocks are found, and which is free from the all-pervading salt deposits. [29]

 

[1] [Rams?]

[2] #230 Boxer, C. R., Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, The Broadway Travellers George Routledge and Son Ltd, London, 1930 ~ p. 181-2

[3] #230 Boxer, C. R., Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, The Broadway Travellers George Routledge and Son Ltd, London, 1930 ~ p. 182-6

[4] #230 Boxer, C. R., Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, The Broadway Travellers George Routledge and Son Ltd, London, 1930 ~ pp. 187-8

[5] Bertram Thomas wrote that in 1624 the Portuguese admiral, Ruy Freyre De Andrada, used Khasab as a base in an attempt to recapture the island of Hormuz. #47 Thomas, Bertram, The Musandam Peninsula and its people the Shihuh, vol. XVI, part 1, p.71-86, Central Asian Journal, 1929 ~ p. 83.

[6] #230 Boxer, C. R., Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, The Broadway Travellers George Routledge and Son Ltd, London, 1930 ~ pp. 188-191 Ruy Freyre presumably therefore returned to Muscat at the end of 1624.

[7] #328 Calendar of State Papers Colonial Series, East Indies, China & Japan, Longman & Co., London, 1878, 4 vols. 1513-1616, 1617-1621, 1622-1624, 1625-1629 ~ p. 230. The Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada indicate that in 1623 Ruy only got as far as Dibba before returning to winter in Muscat and that the remaining towns in the Musandam were in Persian hands. If this is correct where had the rowing vessels set out from?

[8] #328 Calendar of State Papers Colonial Series, East Indies, China & Japan, Longman & Co., London, 1878, 4 vols. 1513-1616, 1617-1621, 1622-1624, 1625-1629 ~ p. 287

[9] #230 Boxer, C. R., Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, The Broadway Travellers George Routledge and Son Ltd, London, 1930 ~ pp. 191-3. The date January 1624 is given in the footnotes.

[10] from the viceroy under the command of António Ferrão

[11] #230 Boxer, C. R., Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, The Broadway Travellers George Routledge and Son Ltd, London, 1930~ p. 193

[12] sometime during 1625 Ruy Freyre met with Pietro del Valle [try Blunt’s Pietro Pilgramage or Cardi’s original statement]

[13] #230 Boxer, C. R., Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, The Broadway Travellers George Routledge and Son Ltd, London, 1930 ~ pp. 194-7.

[14] #202 Bull, George (trans.), The Travels of Pietro Della Valle, Century Hutchinson Ltd, London, 1990 ~ p. 294

[15] Ruy Freyre?

[16] #341 Clowes, William Laird, The Royal Navy - A History from the earliest times to the present in 5 volumes, Sampson Low, Marston and Company Ltd: AMS Press Inc, London: New York, 1898: 1966 ~ pp. 44-5

[17] In Portuguese accounts it was the cook that was released. However East India Company records reveal that ‘the freight of Richard Kempe’s goods brought home in the Dolphin to be remitted; he went out carpenter in the Lion, which was burnt by the Portugals, and was afterwards carpenter in the Anne’. #328 Calendar of State Papers Colonial Series, East Indies, China & Japan, Longman & Co., London, 1878, 4 vols. 1513-1616, 1617-1621, 1622-1624, 1625-1629 ~ vol 1625-9, p. 611 no. 780.

[18] #328 Calendar of State Papers Colonial Series, East Indies, China & Japan, Longman & Co., London, 1878, 4 vols. 1513-1616, 1617-1621, 1622-1624, 1625-1629 ~ vol. 1625-9, pp. 238-9.

[19] #230 Boxer, C. R., Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, The Broadway Travellers George Routledge and Son Ltd, London, 1930 ~ pp. 198-200.

[20] #341 Clowes, William Laird, The Royal Navy - A History from the earliest times to the present in 5 volumes, Sampson Low, Marston and Company Ltd: AMS Press Inc, London: New York, 1898: 1966 ~ pp. 40-4

[21] #230 Boxer, C. R., Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, The Broadway Travellers George Routledge and Son Ltd, London, 1930~ p.200

[22] #341 Clowes, William Laird, The Royal Navy - A History from the earliest times to the present in 5 volumes, Sampson Low, Marston and Company Ltd: AMS Press Inc, London: New York, 1898: 1966 ~ pp. 40-4

[23] #202 Bull, George (trans.), The Travels of Pietro Della Valle, Century Hutchinson Ltd, London, 1990 ~ vol. 1625-9, pp.326-7

[24] #230 Boxer, C. R., Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, The Broadway Travellers George Routledge and Son Ltd, London, 1930 ~ p. 203

[25] #230 Boxer, C. R., Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, The Broadway Travellers George Routledge and Son Ltd, London, 1930 ~ p. 205.

[26] #230 Boxer, C. R., Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, The Broadway Travellers George Routledge and Son Ltd, London, 1930 ~ p. 208.

[27] #6 Hawley, Donald, The Trucial States, Allen & Unwin, London, 1970 ~ p. 75

[28] #72 Livermore, H. V., A History of Portugal, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England, 1947 ~ p. 307

[29]  #252 Stiffe, A. W., The Island of Hormuz (Ormuz), Geographical Magazine, London, 1874 (Apr.), vol. 1 pp. 12-17 ~ pp. 12 - 13